Whenever I sit down to write about the brutal assassinations of August 15, a sense of self-loathing creeps in—why was I born as a child of such a nation? A nation where many not only disrespect their history's architect and the Father of the Nation, but also fail to recognize and honor him.

Sometimes it feels as though even the smallest and poorest African nations hold more respect for their national history, sacrifices, and national heroes than we do. Even in the African country of Ghana, the reverence and respect shown to the Father of the Nation, Kwame Nkrumah, transcended all political ideologies and remains extraordinary. I will not even draw comparisons with how the people of India, Pakistan, Turkey, or America honor their respective Fathers of the Nation. Across the globe, great national leaders are held above all controversy; it is from this very reverence that a nation's unity and solidarity are born.

A nation does not become great merely through economic growth, infrastructure, or shifts in power. A nation becomes great by respecting its history and preserving the dignity of the sacrifices made by those who gave their lives for it.

Today, in 2026, even after 55 years of independence, we are forced to face that fundamental question—have we truly learned to respect our history? Have we been able to honor the long sacrifices of the Father of the Nation? He had to spend more than 12 long years of his youth in the darkness of prison. In return for those sacrifices, we gained independence; but as a nation, have we given him even the bare minimum respect in return?

With every change of power, we rewrite historical figures—sometimes elevating someone to a deity, and at other times attempting to erase them from history altogether out of political vengeance.

The independence of Bangladesh was not an isolated event of a single day. Behind it lay a long history of political and cultural movements. It was a prolonged struggle against the economic, social, and cultural discrimination of the Pakistani ruling elite. The Language Movement of 1952, the elections of 1954, the Education Movement of 1962, the Six-Point Demand of 1966, the Mass Upsurge of 1969, and the General Elections of 1970—each step reinforced the political self-identity of the Bengalis.

At the central political helm of this long struggle was Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Under his leadership, the Awami League transformed the East Bengali people's demand for political rights and autonomy into a well-organized mass movement.

Even after the Awami League’s absolute victory in the 1970 elections, the military and political power structure of Pakistan refused to hand over power in accordance with the public mandate. Not stopping there, instead of allowing the leader of the majority in the National Assembly to form a government as Prime Minister, the Pakistani military launched a crackdown on innocent civilians across East Bengal, including Dhaka, on the night of March 25, killing thousands of innocent people. Consequently, on March 26, Bangabandhu declared independence. In self-defense, the Bengali people plunged into an armed War of Liberation at Bangabandhu's call.

Just as extreme efforts were being made to rebuild a war-torn Bangladesh within a brief span of three and a half years to establish it as a self-respecting nation, imperialist forces—both domestic and foreign—joined hands:

On August 15, 1975, a brutal massacre was committed in the history of Bangladesh. Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and many members of his family were brutally assassinated.

This assassination was not merely the death of a President; it was a devastating blow to the political independence of a newly sovereign state. It was a strike by imperialist forces against the leadership of the world's oppressed and persecuted people, and an act of revenge by the defeated opponents of Bangladesh's Liberation War.

Bangabandhu had famously declared, “The world today is divided into two parts—the oppressors and the oppressed. I am on the side of the oppressed.”

In the context of contemporary global politics, many nationalist leaders around the world met similar tragic fates. Throughout world history, numerous leaders who changed their nations' destinies were assassinated through political conspiracies, military coups, or terrorist attacks. The 1970s was a particularly volatile era. Key leaders such as King Faisal of Saudi Arabia, President François Tombalbaye of Chad, President Mohammed Daoud Khan of Afghanistan, former Prime Minister Aldo Moro of Italy, former Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto of Pakistan, and President Park Chung-hee of South Korea all fell victim to political violence. The assassination of Bangladesh's founding leader, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, on August 15, 1975, took place within this continuous wave of international turmoil. The historical significance of Bangabandhu's assassination does not lie solely in the fact that he was a head of state. Its profound significance stems from the fact that he was the architect of a nation, standing at the very center of its decades-long political struggle for independence.

From the Bengali self-determination movement against Pakistani rule, the Six-Point demand, and the 1970 elections, to the 1971 Liberation War—his leadership was central to every critical political juncture in the birth of the Bangladeshi state. Thus, viewing the assassination of August 15 merely as the killing of a President misses its deep historical gravity; it was a fatal blow aimed at the founding leadership of a newly independent state.

The objective was to destroy the values and political ideals for which the Liberation War was fought, re-establish a state based on Pakistani ideology, and exact revenge for the defeat of 1971.

Even more significant were the events that followed. Within a few months of August 15, on November 3, 1975, four top leaders of the wartime government—Syed Nazrul Islam, Tajuddin Ahmad, Captain M. Mansur Ali, and A.H.M. Quamruzzaman—were murdered inside Dhaka Central Jail. The events of 1975 were not confined to the demise of a single leader; a vital segment of Bangladesh’s independence leadership was systematically targeted to ensure that the spirit and aspirations of the Liberation War could never rise again.

The subsequent shifts in Bangladeshi politics fundamentally altered the country's political history. Power structures, the constitution, political ideals, state language, and the interpretation of national history—everything bore the marks of transformation.

Prolonged military rule did not merely weaken our political institutions; it gradually eroded our morality, cultural values, and political culture. That void was filled by anti-culture, corruption, and unprincipled politics.

Today, ethics and morality in Bangladesh seem to have become forgotten values preserved in a museum. The current political, social, and cultural decay in Bangladesh is a direct reflection of that. Everything began to slide into degradation with the assassination of Bangabandhu.

Particularly after August 5, 2024, it appears that a section of the state and political apparatus is attempting to establish a specific narrative—as if Sheikh Mujibur Rahman is the root of all problems in Bangladesh, and that erasing his name, his political ideals, and his historical contributions will magically solve every crisis in the country.

It is as though Sheikh Mujib committed a grave crime by liberating Bangladesh! Shame on you, Bangladesh—looking at your state rhetoric today, even the Pakistani occupation forces would blush in shame. Countless people who believe in the ideals of Mujib are currently facing various forms of political and social persecution. People are being burned to death like in medieval times. Even 'Joy Bangla' and the name of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman have become subjects of political controversy and bans. Today, the great Liberation War and the freedom fighters are being depicted in the vilest light—and all of this is occurring under state patronage.

The Awami League, under whose leadership the fight for Bangladesh’s independence was waged and a nation achieved its sovereign statehood, is now banned. This will undoubtedly remain a deep and painful chapter in the political history of Bangladesh. It will make the country's future politics even more complex, repeating a cycle of violence and revenge instead of bringing peace and stability.

And the bigger question is—under the very constitution by which the state is being run today, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman is still recognized as the Father of the Nation. Operating the state under that same constitution while attempting to deny, disrespect, or erase his historical stature—on what constitutional and legal foundation does the current government stand?

This government of blatant falsehoods misinterprets the constitution merely to hold onto illegitimate power. What answer will we give to our next generation when they ask: "Why did you try to erase those from history for your political convenience, through whose struggles and sacrifices you gained independence?"

As a result of such heinous historical falsehoods, Bengalis will lose all dignity on the global stage. A nation that disrespects its Father of the Nation and its greatest sons will be regarded as a degraded nation by the world. And those who lead this effort will also be cast into the dustbin of history.

As long as we cannot rise above politics to give Bangabandhu and his contributions their due respect, we will never be able to hold our heads high before the world as a nation or as a country. No one will ever proudly say—“I am a Bengali, Bangladesh is my country.” Bangladesh will simply turn into a failed state.

Author: Sachin Bangali, Columnist and Political Analyst.