"People's Love is My Strength: My Commitment to Restoring Truth, Struggle, Democracy, and the Constitution" – Sheikh Hasina

Keynote address by five-time Prime Minister of Bangladesh, Sheikh Hasina, delivered at a press conference organized by the Foreign Correspondents' Club of South Asia (FCC South Asia) in New Delhi.

Today, I stand before you not only as the five-time Prime Minister of Bangladesh, but as the daughter of the Father of the Nation, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. I am someone who has spent her entire life alongside the people of Bangladesh. I was forced to stay away from my country, but I could never be separated from my people. Before speaking about the current crisis, I pay my deepest respects to the Father of the Nation, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the four national leaders, and the 3 million martyrs of our Great Liberation War. At the same time, with profound sorrow, I remember the family members I lost on August 15, 1975. Today is also the birthday of my beloved brother, Sheikh Kamal. He was two years younger than me—a heroic freedom fighter, youth leader, sports organizer, and cultural activist. His life symbolized the courage, creativity, and patriotism of Bangladesh’s youth. Today, I remember him with deep love, pain, and pride. Over the past two years, I have watched my beloved Bangladesh suffer. Fear has infiltrated homes, workplaces, and educational institutions. This is not the Bangladesh we built; this is not the Bangladesh for which 3 million people sacrificed their lives in 1971. I want to begin with the truth regarding July and August 2024. It was not a peaceful student movement. From the start, my government sought to resolve the issue through dialogue, legal processes, and patience. However, under the guise of reform demands, organized groups attempted to turn the students' cause into a violent political weapon. In 2018, in response to student demands, we abolished the quota system. In 2024, when the High Court reinstated it, the government appealed to uphold the abolition. I personally initiated dialogue with the students and invited them to Gono Bhaban. Three ministers also met with them. Yet, the quota reform movement was ultimately transformed into a one-point demand for my resignation. Systemic misinformation was spread. The genuine emotions of real students were exploited, while organized groups used the protest as cover for violence and arson. Mahmudur Rahman himself stated that this was a highly calculated movement driven by a "mastermind." His own words reveal the truth: this was not a spontaneous student movement. There was no visible or accountable leadership; instructions were issued from the shadows. The entire operation was organized and directed with the aim of creating a path to power outside the ballot box. From July 15, the character of the movement shifted. Killings, arson, attacks, and looting began, causing widespread destruction of assets. The Bangladesh Television building was attacked and set ablaze. Attacks, vandalism, and arson were carried out on the Sheikh Russel Building, Directorate General of Health Services (DGHS), EPI Vaccination Center, Farmgate Metro Station, flyovers, Mirpur Expressway, scientific research institutions, Disaster Management Office, National Data Center, Covid-19 specialized hospital, Bangladesh Medical University, residential hotels, industrial plants, businesses, and prisons across various districts, including Narsingdi. Terrorists and criminals were freed from prisons. Awami League offices across the country were attacked and vandalized. Party leaders and workers were assaulted and killed. Houses of ministers and senior officials of my government were looted and set on fire. The media was also targeted; nearly 50 media organizations, private television channels, and newspaper offices were attacked or burned. Journalists lost their lives. Organized attacks were carried out on law enforcement agencies. Police officers and other officials were murdered, and their bodies were hung from flyovers. Nearly 460 police stations and outposts were burned down. In some places, officers were trapped inside and burned alive; weapons were looted, and personnel were beaten to death. According to data from aggrieved law enforcement, at least 3,000 members were killed, attacked, tortured, or subjected to severe violence. So, I ask a simple question: Under such circumstances, what is the duty of law enforcement? When police stations are set on fire, state property is destroyed, officials are killed, and weapons are stolen, does the state have no responsibility to protect lives and national assets? In every country in the world, it is the duty of law enforcement to safeguard citizens, state institutions, and their own lives. Doing so is not a crime; it is a duty entrusted to them by law. Simultaneously, I wanted the truth to be revealed. That is why, on July 18, 2024, I formed a Judicial Inquiry Commission with a clear objective: to investigate every death, uncover the truth behind every violent act, and allow every family access to the facts. I met with the families of the deceased, visited the injured, and ordered that they receive the highest quality medical treatment free of cost. This was a coordinated assault on constitutional order—driven by planned instructions, organized violence, and propaganda. This conspiracy did not end on August 5; after August 5, the violence transformed into a campaign of political persecution. The killings that began on July 16 with the murder of Dhaka College student and Chhatra League activist Sabuj Ali continue today. Awami League leaders and workers are being killed, forcibly disappeared, arrested, evicted from their homes, and burdened with false cases. It is claimed that at least 10,000 people have been killed or disappeared. Over the last two years, approximately 650,000 people have been arrested, and around 3,500 cases filed. Nearly 450,000 party workers and supporters have been named as accused, alongside more than 1 million unnamed individuals. Over 600 cases have been filed against me alone. Female workers of Chhatra League, Jubo League, and other associate organizations face torture, humiliation, custodial abuse, and harassment. Many leaders and workers have died in prison. Numerous allegations of torture, denial of medical treatment, deprivation of food, negligence, and denial of basic rights have been documented. This persecution is not limited to Awami League members. Minority community members, judges, lawyers, intellectuals, cultural figures, journalists, professionals, laborers, rickshaw pullers, farmers, and everyday citizens face attacks, arrests, or murder charges. Anyone who believes in the spirit of the Liberation War is unsafe. Monuments and symbols of the Liberation War have been destroyed. Freedom fighters have been humiliated with chains of shoes. The historic residence of the Father of the Nation, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, and the Bangabandhu Memorial Museum at Dhanmondi 32 were systematically attacked and destroyed. These are not isolated incidents of violence; they represent an attempt to erase the spirit of Bangladesh's Liberation War. The Chief Adviser himself spoke of pressing a "reset button" to wipe away the country's prior history. They want to erase the Liberation War, erase Bangabandhu, and rewrite history by altering the foundation of Bangladesh's birth. Convicted war criminals have been released, along with militants and top terrorists. Even after the BNP came to power through a lengthy electoral process, the situation has not improved. Bangladesh remains gripped by fear, terror, repression, economic distress, and deep insecurity. Look at the state of the country today. The progress we built has been destroyed, and ordinary citizens are paying the price. It is reported that while GDP growth was 6.80% under the Awami League government, it has dropped to 2.2%. Industrial output has fallen sharply; for the first time in the 54-year history of independence, the industrial sector recorded negative growth. Non-performing loans in the banking sector have reportedly risen from 30% to 47%. The poverty rate has surged from 18.60% to 46.8%. Investment has dropped, job creation has stalled, and over 20 million people are newly unemployed. More than 500 factories have closed, and over half of all industrial owners and business leaders are either in prison or in hiding. The government is borrowing 700 to 900 crore taka daily from banks to operate. Project costs have been inflated by 50% to 250%. Meanwhile, militancy is rising. Women and children are subjected to abuse, assault, and humiliation. Ordinary citizens no longer feel safe. Extortion, murder, and kidnapping have become daily occurrences. These are not mere statistics or isolated events. Behind every number is a family, a worker, a farmer, a small business owner, a mother who cannot afford food for her child, and a young person who sees no future. We must also remember what Bangladesh had achieved. The welfare of the people has always been the sole objective of my politics. My father, the Father of the Nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, sacrificed his life for this ideal, and I hold that commitment fully. During my five terms as Prime Minister, through long-term planning, disciplined financial management, and effective execution, we established a strong foundation for Bangladesh. Over 16 consecutive years since 2008, we delivered megaprojects like the Padma Bridge, Dhaka Metro Rail, Rooppur Nuclear Power Plant, Matarbari Deep Sea Port, Karnaphuli Tunnel, and Bangabandhu Satellite-1. We maintained GDP growth between 6.5% and 7.5%. Our infrastructure developments were not luxuries—they built national capacity. Our social safety nets were not charity—they were investments in human dignity. We taught Bangladesh to stand tall and established it as an emerging Asian Tiger. The crisis in Bangladesh is not merely an internal issue; it affects regional peace, security, trade, development, and human dignity. I call upon the international community and friends of Bangladesh: stand with the people of Bangladesh in their struggle for democracy, justice, and peace. A stable Bangladesh is crucial for South Asia, the Bay of Bengal region, development partners, and all nations that value democracy, the rule of law, and justice. The coming decade can be one of recovery and renewal—if democracy is restored and the people are allowed to determine their own future. Therefore, I clearly outline the following demands: • The ban on the Awami League must be lifted. • Political prisoners must be released. • False cases must be withdrawn. • Freedom of expression must be restored. • Freedom of the press must be protected. • Independence of the judiciary must be guaranteed. • Law enforcement must serve the people, not abuse power. These are not the demands of a single political party; they are necessary steps to safeguard Bangladesh. Whatever my fate may be, I will return to my people. When my fellow countrymen are suffering, I cannot remain far away. I know I may be detained, sent to prison, or subjected to execution attempts under fabricated sentences. But fear will never dictate my responsibility to the people. My life went beyond personal safety calculations long ago. Whatever obstacles come my way, not even the grenade attack of August 21, 2004, could stop me. Thus, I am not worried about my own future; I am worried about the future of Bangladesh. I want to return because the people of Bangladesh deserve security, development, prosperity, and peace. They deserve a state that protects them, an economy that creates opportunities, and a democracy that guarantees their rights. My return, and the return of the Awami League to the democratic process, is not a matter of power. It is about steering Bangladesh back onto the right path—revitalizing development, progress, secularism, and stability. I wish to return to Bangladesh with a single purpose: to stand by the people and improve their lives. The people are the source of all power. I trust them, rely on them, love them, and I will return to them. Joy Bangla. Joy Bangabandhu.

Thank you all for your time and patient hearing. Thank you.